In November 2014 Latter-day Saint children around the world participated in a ritual that would probably seem odd to outsiders-they buried some swords. These weren’t actual weapons, of course, only sketches of swords upon which the children were instructed to “write a wrong choice… such as ’fighting with my brother’ or ’telling a lie.’” They then “buried” these swords by “crumpling their papers or throwing them away.” Similarly, in February 2010 a small group of teenagers stood with their own paper swords around a freshly dug hole on their church’s property. “I had my class write down a behavior of theirs, if they had one, which might be considered an act of ’rebellion to God,’” recalled their teacher. “Their challenge was to pick one thing they were serious about stopping. I asked them to pick something they felt they could put aside… forever.”

Typology is one of those words whose meaning shifts dramatically with the position of its user. For religious believers studying the scriptures, typology is a mode of history-the belief that certain events and people should be understood as both fully historical and fully allegorical at the same time. To the unbeliever (or the believer in different things), typology is a mode of rhetoric-a connecting strategy that writers use to create retroactive links between otherwise unrelated stories or that readers use to infer connections between otherwise unconnected things. Those in the first group see the repetition of key narrative elements from the Old Testament to the New Testament-say, birth narratives in which both Moses and Jesus escape from an infanticidal massacre ordered by a despot-as a fundamental part of how sacred history works ( see Exodus 1:22 and Matthew 2:16-18).

The following article by Susanna Morrill first appeared in Historicizing “Tradition” in the Study of Religion, ed. Steven Engler and Gregory Price Grieve (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2005), 127-44. We believe that it has, unfortunately, not received the attention it deserves for the light it sheds on the ways the Book of Mormon has been received by its readers. Morrill writes from the perspective that the Book of Mormon is a product of the nineteenth-century, but we feel that all stand to learn much from her analysis. We would like to express our gratitude to Professor Morrill, as well as to De Gruyter, for allowing us to reprint the essay. Similarly, she ruefully recounted her visit to Phoenix, a city originally settled and then given up by Mormon pioneers.

An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 2015 annual Society of Biblical Literature meeting, November 23, 2015, in Atlanta, Georgia. 1. See Noel B. Reynolds, “The Gospel of Jesus Christ as Taught by the Nephite Prophets;’ BYU Studies 31/3 (1991): 31-50; and Noel B. Reynolds, “The Gospel according to Mormon;’ Scottish Journal of Theology 68/2 (2015): 218-34 doi:10.1017/ S003693061500006X. 2. Inclusio is a common technique used by biblical writers to mark off a text unit by repeating at the end of the unit a word or phrase or sentence used at the beginning. These three Book of Mormon passages are marked off with obvious inclusios featuring “the doctrine of Christ;’ “this is my doctrine;’ and “this is my gospel” respectively. While Nephi constructed the first, the second two are embedded in the material quoted from Jesus Christ. In “Chiastic Structuring of Large Texts: Second Nephi as a Case Study;’ publication pending, I demonstrate that 2 Nephi can be read as a series of thirteen inclusios arranged to provide a chiastic structure to the book that also communicates his principal thesis.

This paper looks closely and critically at how the Nephite prophets dealt with the records of the Jaredites as the text of the Book of Mormon itself presents these dealings. 1 It questions unspoken assumptions that often pervade discussions of these records and of how record keepers from King Mosiah2 to Moroni managed them. It asks, for example, whether Mormon could realistically have taken on the task of preparing the abridgment of Jaredite history found in the book of Ether. It also challenges the idea that Moroni wrote the book of Ether only because Mormon did not have time to do so, suggesting instead that Moroni’s role in preserving the Jaredite legacy was his own unique commission from the Lord. These questions are part of my appeal for a fundamental reconsideration of the roles played by the key actors who handled the Jaredite records.

In the Old World Jesus taught, “Blessed are they which do hunger and thirst after righteousness: for they shall be filled” (Matthew 5:6), yet in the New World he says, “Blessed are all they who do hunger and thirst after righteousness, for they shall be filled with the Holy Ghost” (3 Nephi 12:6). Attention, understandably, has been given to the differences, large and small, between the Sermon on the Mount as recounted in the New Testament and the similar sermon given in the New World. At times, we note slight shifts in emphasis (here in the New World, for example, Jesus makes this promise to “all”), more complete understandings (we are filled specifically with the influence of the Holy Ghost), and so on. And these differences raise compelling questions about the possibility that plain and precious truths were lost in translation in the Bible but are restored again in the Book of Mormon. The differences might also suggest the importance of a shifting context that moves Jesus to vary his speech. One wonders if one version is more authoritative than the other. But there is an additional question the two accounts of Christ’s sermon raise. What do readers make of the fact that in most cases the wording is exactly coincident? What might that signify?

THE BooK OF MORMON presented itself as a history of previously unidentified New World civilizations with origins in the ancient Near East. To defend its claims of historicity, believers pointed to the work’s correspondence with the Bible and their own spiritual witnesses. They also insisted that, independent of their supernatural access to this ancient world, archaeological discoveries had authenticated and would continue to authenticate the book’s historical claims. This article documents the all-but-forgotten Latter-day Saint use of Codex Boturini-a sixteenth-century Mesoamerican codex depicting the Mexica (i.e., Aztec) migration from their mythical homeland Atzlan to Tenochtitlan, the seat of the empire’s government-as physical evidence for Book of Mormon history. In the perspective of these Saints, the pictorial manuscript was an independent record of the Book of Mormon. For decades, Mormons published images from Codex Boturini (or described them) alongside commentary that translated the pictographs through a Mormon lens.

In his foreward to this book, Richard Bushman praises it for its meticulous attention to the historian’s craft. Michael MacKay and Gerrit Dirkmaat have served as editors on the Documents series of the Joseph Smith Papers Project-spending months documenting, annotating, and organizing the surviving historical material from the early years of Joseph Smith’s religious career-and their experience with those primary sources shines in this volume. They have tracked down scraps of information in archives from New York to Utah, from obscure nineteenth-century publications as far-flung as the Ohio Observer and the Milwaukee Sentinel, and even from much better-known sources like the Joseph Smith revelations, which they have reread with a keen eye for detail and often-missed nuance.

Latter-day Saint discussion of chastity often include Moroni 9:9 because of its suggestion that “chastity and virtue” constitute “that which is most dear and precious above all things:’ The verse also says, however, that people can be “deprived” of chastity and virtue by the violence of rape. For the prophet Mormon, the Nephites’ actions in Moriantum exceed “this great abomination of the Lamanites;’ which involved “feed[ing] the women upon the flesh of their husbands, and the children upon the flesh of their fathers” (Moroni 9:8). Mormon’s strong language aims to condemn the rapists, not their victims. Using the verse to teach about chastity, though, invites interpretation from the perspective of the victims, which raises the question of what it means to understand chastity and virtue as something of which a person can be deprived, passively, by another. Such passive loss of virtue runs strongly contrary to LDS teaching about agency, including those rooted in Book of Mormon passages like 2 Nephi 2, with the consequence that victims of sexual abuse or assault can be made to feel guilty for sins that are not their own.

The term Christology refers to the presentation of the life and nature of Jesus Christ. The purpose of this essay is to explore King Benjamin’s Christology (see Mosiah 3), to consider its similarities to that found in the Gospel of Mark, and to explore some implications of Benjamin’s Christology. Christology is often described as being on a continuum from low (which emphasizes the human nature of Jesus) to high (which emphasizes his divine nature). It is definitely the case that Benjamin’s description of Jesus contains elements of a high Christology since he begins by describing Jesus as “the Lord Omnipotent who reigneth, who was, and is from all eternity to all eternity” (Mosiah 3:5). Yet the very next line describes Jesus as “dwell[ing] in a tabernacle of clay” (Mosiah 3:5), which reflects a decidedly low Christology. This emphasis on the mortal nature of Jesus continues as Benjamin relates at length Jesus’s physical suffering (see Mosiah 3:7).

Since John Welch discovered Chiasmus in the Book of Mormon fifty years ago, students of the volume have paid attention to textual structures. Unfortunately, little attention has yet been paid to book-length structures, structures organizing larger stretches of the Book of Mormon. Analysis of whole books within the Book of Mormon has largely remained in a preliminary phase.3 In this note, however, I lay out what appears to be the intentional organizational structure of the book of Alma.

The Maxwell Institue is currently making efforts to update the work of Donald Parry, Jeanette Miller, and Sandra Thorne, who prepared the volume A Comprehensive Annotated Book of Mormon Bibliography (1996). This earlier work is now available at the Maxwell Institutes website (see http:/ /publications.mi.byu.edu/book/ a-comprehensive -annotated-book-of-mormon-bibliography/), and updates will also be made available on the Institute’s website. To assist in this effort, the editors of the Journal of Book of Mormon Studies have decided to include in each issue of the Journal a bibliography of scholarly work published on the Book of Mormon during the previous year. We have therefore made efforts to discover all work of an academic nature published during 2016 for inclusion in the following bibliography. The work has been undertaken primarily by Matthew Roper and Alex Criddle.

Leather-bound copies of the first edition of the 586-page Book of Mormon were published and sold beginning March 26, 1830. Before there was a prophet, there was a translator-legally the “author and proprietor” of the Book. The title page told of the plates written “by the spirit of Prophecy and Revelation’’ from which the Book originated. Before the publication was complete, Joseph Smith had encouraged Oliver Cowdery that “a great call for our books” had already commenced. The Book emerged before there was any church to join. The rest would come later; initially individuals decided how they would respond to this “Golden Bible.” Was it counterfeit or divine? Was it the “greatest piece of superstition’’ or a “revelation from God”? What would it be to them?

The text of the King James Bible plays a significant role in the composition of the Book of Mormon. While there have been studies that have attempted to identify what biblical passages are present in the Book of Mormon, not nearly enough effort has been spent exploring how those passages are used throughout the text. For example, one can readily identify the textual parallels between Alma 5:48 and John 1: 14, due to the sharing of phrases such as “full of grace and truth’’ and “only-begotten son:’ This type of research is useful in and of itself. But simply identifying what passages the texts share in common without exploring how the Book of Mormon integrates the biblical text into its own textual composition leaves a great deal unexplored.

In 1831, Alexander Campbell (1788-1866), the founder of the Disciples of Christ Church and leader in the early nineteenth-century religious reformation known as the Restoration, published a short pamphlet entitled Delusions: An Analysis of the Book of Mormon: With an Examination of Its Internal and External Evidences, and a Refutation of Its Pretences to Divine Authority. In the pamphlet, Campbell argued that the Book of Mormon was a linguistic hodgepodge, “patched up and cemented with ’And it came to pass’ - ’I sayeth unto you’-’Ye saith unto him’-and all the King James’ haths, dids and doths-in the lowest imitation of the common version:’ He insisted that “it has not one good sentence in it, save the profanation of those sentences quoted from the Oracles of the living God:’ For Campbell, the seventeenth-century English in the Book of Mormon demonstrated that Joseph Smith was a fraud.

Elizabeth Fenton’s first book-Religious Liberties: Anti-Catholicism and Liberal Democracy in Nineteenth-Century U.S. Literature and Culture-appeared in 2011. The next year, she began presenting work on the Book of Mormon, first in a conference paper at the annual convention of C19: The Society of Nineteenth-Century Americanists, and then in an invited lecture at the University of Maryland titled “Why Americanists Should Read The Book of Mormon.” In 2013, she published her conference presentation from the previous year in J19: The Journal of Nineteenth-Century Americanists. The next year, Fenton organized a panel at C19 focused on the Book of Mormon, which drew the attention of Jared Hickman and opened the door to an important collaborative project, soon to come to fruition in the form of Americanist Approaches to the Book of Mormon, a collection of essays by various scholars forthcoming from Oxford University Press. In 2016, Fenton presented again at C19 on the Book of Mormon (this time in a comparative study involving The Anarchiad), and she also published in the Journal of Book of Mormon Studies a review essay focused on Grant Hardy’s Understanding the Book of Mormon. The past five or six years have, for Fenton, been focused in a remarkable way on literary study of the Book of Mormon.

The Book of Mormon, told by a variety of narrators over a period of hundreds of years, is deeply concerned with remembrance and the written production of memory. As each narrator grows old and finishes his time recording the events of his people, he hands down the plates to a son or other trusted, younger male companion to continue writing the history and preserving the memories of their people. In this paper, I’d like to argue that nineteenth-century visual art becomes a continuation of the concern for and production of memory so present in The Book of Mormon itself. The book’s proclamation of itself as Bible-“And because my words shall hiss forth-many of the Gentiles shall say: A Bible! A Bible! We have got a Bible, and there cannot be any more Bible”-establishes its reliance on its own participation in the production of memory and highlights its own limited ability (given its status as a completed text) to continue the process of memory generation. I will first examine how The Book of Mormon presents the recording of memory and then turn to C. C. A. Christensen as a case study on how visual art entered the Mormon religious sphere in the nineteenth century as a way of re-recording the stories.

Given the remarkable story of the discovery and divine translation of gold plates hidden in a hill by an ancient Amerindian prophet, nineteenth- century readers could be forgiven for expecting an exotic new set of doctrines in The Book of Mormon. Instead, what many readers found (when they bothered to read the book at all) was an often dull, frequently complicated narrative with the veneer of biblical language and themes. Where they expected to find a heretical “Gold Bible’’ designed to supplant and erase biblical authority, they instead found chapters lifted directly from the Bible itself. The Book of Mormon was a strange document indeed, having at once a “foundational role’’ in but also a “theological irrelevance’’ to a newly created religion, so that it was actually “the miracle the work embodied, not the doctrine it presented, that gave offense.”

In recalling his “First Vision” in 1820, Joseph Smith writes of the “anxieties” over the “contests of [the] parties of religionists” that drove him to seek solace in scripture and “attempt to pray vocally” for the first time in his young life. Smith describes turning to the Epistle of James, a reading that precipitated his calling out for an answer to his “anxieties.” The reply to Smith’s “vocal” prayer initiated a course of events that ultimately led to the publication of The Book of Mormon in March 1830. Since then, the story of the plates whose translation constitutes the text The Book of Mormon has provoked nearly as much-if not more-attention than the exceedingly complex narrative itself. The experience of reading the text poses challenges, though not because of its tedium (as Mark Twain suggested) or the demands it places on one’s willingness to suspend disbelief; instead, the challenges it poses derive, I will argue, from the way in which reading itself is figured in the text. This paper intends to take up the problem of reading and The Book of Mormon, which I believe the text presents but does not fully resolve.

The Book of Mormon presents a tale of the plight and flight of a family from biblical Jerusalem, stitched together through a variety of narrators. As the title page claims, this book contains the record of the Nephite people, descendants of Lehi, who was commanded by God to leave Jerusalem in order to save his family from destruction. From that command, the text becomes one of movement and escape, so that the Nephite race can avoid destruction. As this story is one about avoiding annihilation, it necessarily becomes one of reproduction: How do the Nephites reproduce the people of God to spread the word of God?

Walter Benjamin famously claimed that “only a redeemed mankind is granted the fullness of its past-which is to say, only for a redeemed mankind has its past become citable in all its moments. Each moment it has lived becomes a citation a l’ordre du jour. And that day is Judgment Day.” The Book of Mormon (1830) posits a pathway to redemption for believers and organizes all time around the coming of Christ. I aim to use Benjamin’s model of messianic time to interpret the complicated formal and narrative temporalities in The Book of Mormon and to offer a possible answer to the question, “Why did The Book of Mormon materialize when and where it did?” The Book of Mormon anticipates its own appearance in the nineteenth century. This temporal peculiarity authorizes my reading of the sacred text in its economic and historical context. I will argue that Joseph Smith’s discovery and translation of the plates he unearthed on a hillside in Palmyra, New York, presented a challenge to the capitalist perception of time that threatened to further disenfranchise Smith and others in the Burned-over District.

Scholars of Mormonism have seen a deluge of race literature on the Book of Mormon flow over the past five years. Compared to the robust scholarship on the use of biblical literature in constructing race, Mormonism strikes one as the particularly colorful character who showed up late to the party. For a faith system that has started to imagine itself in global terms, the implications of this recent increase are profound and invite commentary from a variety of disciplines ranging from literary criticism to forensic anthropology. This review essay holds humble aspirations for itself: to trace the basic contours of racialization and deracialization in the Book of Mormon’s historiographical record, illustrating how the contestedness of the racial narrative reflects a variety of needs for Mormon reception of the Book of Mormon text. To close, I will speak to the Book of Mormon’s relevance as a point of entry for undermining Anglo-Saxon knowledge control.

The unique role and function of the book of Isaiah in the Book of Mormon has rightly been of interest to a variety of readers, both scholarly and popular. A quick review of a portion of the literature reveals something of its ongoing appeal. For the most part, these studies have focused on explaining the reason for the extensive quotations of Isaiah in the Book of Mormon and/ or offering a rationale for the numerous differences between the text(s) of Isaiah cited in the Book of Mormon and the text(s) of lsaiah found in a variety of other places including the King James Version of the Bible. Often these studies have been related to the larger issue of Joseph Smith’s involvement in the production of the Book of Mormon. Though a number of these studies are fascinating and merit careful reading, what has been missing, in my estimation, is a sustained treatment of the topic from the perspective of a close theological reading of the text. In other words, most of these studies have focused on the production end of the question-What did Joseph Smith or Nephi use and what may be learned by the actions of the author?-while much less attention has been focused on the product end of the question-specifically, What theological role and function do the Isaiah quotes (and their variants) play in the Book of Mormon, and what might be learned by a careful literary and theological examination of them? Thanks to the work under discussion, considerable progress has been made toward filling this lacuna.

As a new faith’s purported “Gold Bible” began rolling off the presses at the E. B. Grandin print shop, the public was curious to know the nature of that faith. Protestant sects proliferated wildly during the Second Great Awakening, particularly in the fertile soil of upstate New York’s “Burned-over District:’ And restorationists, like the Christian primitivist Disciples of Christ, who aimed to restore the New Testament Church, were a familiar breed among them. Such sects provided the best model for what the public might expect Palmyra’s new faith to become, but actual information was still hard to come by.

Few verses in the Book of Mormon are as problematic and controversial as 2 Nephi 4:35 (LDS 5:21). Critics of the Book of Mormon have routinely pointed to this verse and its reference to Lamanites receiving a “skin of blackness” as evidence of racism and racist theology in Mormonism’s sacred scriptures. The verse has also failed to escape ridicule in pop-cultural depictions of Mormonism, as seen most recently in the hit Broadway musical, The Book of Mormon. The verse and its interpretation are of perennial interest to readers of the Book of Mormon, believing or not, since the racial stance of the volume seems to center around the interpretation of the passage.

In Alma 26:2, the Nephite Christian missionary Ammon asks his brothers, “What great blessings has [God] bestowed upon us? Can ye tell?” Having been quite successful in his endeavors, Ammon answers his own question by stating that he and his brothers “have been made instruments in the hands of God” (Alma 26:3). The phrasing seems self-explanatory: Ammon and his brothers are tools God uses to “bring about this great work’’ (Alma 26:3).1 Yet just a verse later, Ammon appears to confuse the metaphor when he commends his brothers: “The field is ripe and blessed are ye, for ye did thrust in the sickle, and did reap with your might” (Alma 26:5). Here, it is not the missionaries who are instruments, but rather they are the ones who use instruments. Are Ammon and his brethren tools in the hands of God? Or do they use tools (sickles) to reap a harvest of souls? And what does it mean to be an “instrument”? Using this passage as a springboard, I will look more generally at the use of language concerning tools, instruments, and weapons in the writings attributed to Mormon in the Book of Mormon. Key, in my view, is a comparison, carefully woven, between the sons of Mosiah and the Anti-Nephi-Lehies.

The little book entitled Words of Mormon has long been a puzzle, including as it does a number of ambiguous passages and two seemingly distinct parts. In this brief note, I focus primarily on just one such ambiguity-Mormon’s use of “these” in verse 18-in an attempt to show that the whole of the book is much more complete and coherent than has been previously thought. It may be also that the Lord’s “wise purpose[s]” (Words of Mormon 1:7) are more expansive than has generally been supposed. In verse 18, Mormon notes three causes behind the establishment of peace among King Benjamin’s people: (1) “these;’ (2) Benjamin’s labor “with all [his] might…and… faculty,” and (3) “the prophets.” The most immediate question is, To what does “these” refer? One option is verse 16’s “the holy prophets.” However, given the specific mention of “the prophets” as the third cause, this first approach seems unlikely.

The Maxwell Institute continues to make efforts to collect bibliographical information for all writings of a scholarly nature focused on the Book of Mormon in a substantial way. The work for this year’s bibliography has been undertaken by Amanda Buessecker. The editors would again like to encourage readers of the Journal to send information regarding any publications of a scholarly nature focused on the Book of Mormon that have escaped our attention. These can be sent to jbms@byu.edu.

Alma The Younger’s missionary journey to Ammonihah is one of the most disturbing episodes in the Book of Mormon: scriptures are burned (Alma 14:8); converted males are “cast out” and stoned by former friends (Alma 14:7); Amulek, a respected citizen, and Alma, high priest of the church and retired chief judge, are spit upon, mocked, imprisoned, stripped naked, humiliated, starved, and beaten (Alma 14:4-22); and innocent women and children are “cast into the fire” and burned to death (Alma 14:8). Alma and Amulek are “carried… forth to the place of martyrdom;’ and forced to “witness” (Alma 14:9) the “pains of the women and children’’ as they are “consuming in the fire” (Alma 14:10). These events, the Ammonihahite disregard for human life, and the fire are horrifying and extraordinarily cruel.

In June of 1830, the first Latter-day Saint missionary Samuel Smith journeyed through the backcountry of western New York hoping to find parties interested in the recently published Book of Mormon. Advertising the volume as “a history of the origin of the Indians;’ he attempted to sell copies of the book his brother Joseph claimed to have translated from golden plates given to him by an angel. An etiological tale of the ancient inhabitants of the continent, the Book of Mormon described the emergence of two tribes: the righteous Nephites and wicked Lamanites. After the Lamanites’ rebellion against their relatives, the Book of Mormon recounted how God afflicted them for their iniquity. Whereas they were once “white, and exceedingly fair and delightsome;’ they became cursed with “a skin of blackness.” In the ensuing ethnic conflict, the black-skinned Lamanites ultimately triumphed over their “white” kin, overrunning and annihilating the Nephites to become the ancestors of modern-day Native Americans.

The Book of Helaman is a segment of the Book of Mormon whose study is both imperative and complicated in underappreciated ways. The imperative behind the book of Helaman’s study lies in the text’s significance for the self-conception of the Book of Mormon as well as its mythmaking function for the early Saints in their imaginative mapping of the American West. Like the Book of Mormon, Helaman traffics in buried texts that disclose signs and covenants and makes explicit the latent Lamanite frame that undergirds the Book of Mormon as a whole. It presents, as well, the Book of Mormon’s most robust account of secret combinations-a group that then entranced the text’s earliest readers to such a degree that they used this characterization to imbue their landscape with religious significance, describing the mountains surrounding the Salt Lake Valley as “the abode of the spirits of Gadianton robbers.” To understand the Book of Mormon’s sense of itself as a material artifact, to clarify the theological status of the Lamanites, and to explore the way the Book of Mormon helped sculpt a sense of place for early Latter-day Saints, close attention to the book of Helaman is an unavoidable prerequisite.

For the Nephites, the sixteenth year of the reign of the judges was tremendously difficult. The arrival of the people of Ammon, in itself an incredible disruption of Nephite society, precipitated a battle, which Mormon describes as a “tremendous battle; yea, even such an one as never had been known among all the people in the land from the time Lehi left Jerusalem’’ (Alma 28:2). The dead, we are told, were not counted due to their enormous number. These events compounded the pre-existing struggles that resulted from the sociopolitical fallout from the reforms of Mosiah. Though Alma 30:5 suggests that all is well in Zarahemla during the seventeenth year of the reign of the judges, the events of the next year and half, the eighteenth year, belie this peace. Within this span, the Nephites exploded in two separate, but related, political conflagrations: (1) the secession of the inhabitants of Antionum from the greater Nephite community, and (2) the civil war spearheaded by Amalickiah. But prior to both of these events came Korihor.

Many would agree that the most disturbing narrative in all of the Book of Mormon is that of Nephi being commanded to slay Laban. Few encourage their friends to turn to that passage when introducing the book. It is the rather detailed account of what appears to be an unconscionable act. Its closest parallel elsewhere in scripture is the story of Abraham and Isaac, with the all-important difference that, for Nephi, there was no ram in the thicket. How can we justify a man coming upon another man lying in a street, completely helpless, incapacitated because he is passed out from being drunk, and that first man decapitating the second man, stealing his sword and clothing, and then impersonating him so he could steal a most precious item from his treasury and lead one of his servants away from his household? On the surface, this is what appears to be happening. The fact that Nephi feels led by the Spirit to commit this act may be of little comfort to us as members of society since “few, if any of us, would want to live in a society where individual citizens are free to kill drunken fellow citizens-however guilty the drunk may be-because the citizen feels he has been constrained by God to do so.”

Arno Schmidt (1914-1979) was one of the most important, prolific, and original of postwar German authors. His magnum opus, Zettels Traum (1970), appeared in 1,360 large-font, signed typescript copies that each weighed 12 kilos and resembled another intimidating modernist text, James Joyce’s Finnegans Wake, in its experiments with genre, fascinating density, multilingual citations, jokey allusiveness, and mythic grandeur. Like Joyce, Schmidt pushed boundaries of all kinds and sometimes got into hot water with those who found his writings sexually and religiously indecent. As an author, his work is hard to classify; he is sometimes called an “avant-garde traditionalist:’ In personal belief, he was an atheist, though one who was curious about the many forms that belief can take; he opens his essay on the Book of Mormon, for instance, by confessing his soft spot for holy books. A fierce critic of both West and East Germany, he was politically neither a Marxist, nor a social democrat, nor a straight-up conservative, though his attacks on mass society and choice to live his last two decades in relative isolation in a remote hamlet in Lower Saxony have led some critics to detect conservative sympathies. But he was also a clear anti-Nazi and was disgusted at what his country had done. Perhaps by living in a remote spot with his wife, Alice, also a writer whose work was not appreciated until later, he simply wanted to maintain his artistic integrity and stay aloof from the cultural establishment. By any account, he was a lone wolf, anxious not to be pinned down.

If perhaps I am certain of nothing else, I am indeed certain of one thing: I cannot resist holy books. Understand me correctly, however. I regard all of them highly-the fiery bass voices of the Qur’an; Gautama’s all-tolerating claptrap of wisdom; the large compendium of Jewish cultural history called the Old Testament-but I refuse steadfastly to link the word “truth’’ with any of them. Whoever imagines that he possesses the truth has lost it in that very same instant. Truth has no meaning for us. Nothing would be more unfortunate than some kind of 5 percent clause of the Spirit, and nothing more ridiculous than when one prophet calls out another as a fanatic. Not one Church, but rather fundamentally Churches; not one Sacred Scripture, but rather numerous Sacred Scriptures. Hence, if you wish, a resigned-but in my experience quite therapeutic-agnosticism as foundation, yet at the same time a tireless hunt for one’s own mistakes and one’s own lack of knowledge-and, besides that, working diligently.

The enigmatic relationship between the Book of Mormon and the Bible goes all the way back to one of its earliest reviewers, Restorationist Alexander Campbell, who noted inconsistencies between the two. Campbell addressed the Book of Mormon text’s conflation of the Old and New Covenants, differing on details such as Jesus’s birthplace and, in particular, how much the Book of Mormon’s pre-Christian peoples anticipated New Testament events. The Book of Mormon prophet Lehi, Campbell wrote, “developed the records of Matthew, Luke, and John, six hundred years before John the Baptist was born.” From the time of Campbell and into the present day, much of Book of Mormon scholarship has pivoted around this issue. How could a text that claims origins prior to the canonization of the New Testament interact so explicitly with the New Testament text? And what of the Old Testament content, in particular Isaiah, strewn throughout its pages? For many years, those who saw the Book of Mormon as purely the product of the mind of Joseph Smith interpreted these interactions as a sign of indirect influence at best and plagiarism at worst. In response, those who were willing to subscribe to divine origins developed several possible solutions, such as the ideas that Book of Mormon authors had access to “untainted” biblical manuscripts that have since disappeared; or that they had a level of prescience in writing. However, in recent years, this apologetic-or-critical sentiment of arguing why the Bible is present in the Book of Mormon has begun to wane in favor of further exploring how the Bible is present in the Book of Mormon. The intent of this literature review is to lay out the different scholarship trajectories related to the presence of the Bible in the Book of Mormon.

With fears of faith crisis and disaffection rising like seawater, Latter-day Saint apologetic discourse has gone forth, like Noah’s dove, in search of living branches in which the sap runs. Defenders of the faith, including those addressed here, have returned with new academic sophistication, new critical interpretations, and new methods to address doubt among Latter-day Saints. In this review essay, I propose a pair of critical terms, the semantic and the performative, with which to consider this new apologetic discourse. I open with a brief reading of chapters 8 and 11 of 1 Nephi-Lehi’s dream of the tree and Nephi’s messianic vision-which, I’ll argue, offer a neat bifocal lens with which to consider these two modes of religious expression.

Different approaches to reading The Book of Mormon have influenced the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints’ teachings from 1830 to the present day. Scholars have long recognized that the definition of “Lamanites,” one of the primary groups described in the book, has shaped missionary work, Church policy, and public outreach. Indeed, in the Doctrine and Covenants, Joseph Smith received a revelation sending four missionaries to preach “among the Lamanites,” perhaps the first justification for preaching among Indigenous peoples. Recent teachings have expanded the definition of Lamanite to include Native and Indigenous peoples on both American continents as well as Polynesians

The purpose of this piece is to review the long-distance genetic linguistic relationship between languages of the Afro-Asiatic language family and the Uto-Aztecan language family suggested in Stubbs’s Exploring the Explanatory Power of Semitic and Egyptian in Uto-Aztecan and Changes in Languages from Nephi to Now. While such a suggestion is not novel, a linguistic connection between the New World and the Old World is especially appealing to readers of the Book of Mormon. Such a connection can potentially provide a way to determine specific cultural and social facts about the peoples and civilizations described throughout the Book of Mormon. Nevertheless, when not established by rigorous methods and scientific principles, such proposals lead to the incorrect identification of genetic linguistic relationships and unfounded extra-linguistic conclusions.

Latter-day Saints affirm that “the Book of Mormon was… written for our day.” For the believer, it is no wonder that the book contains numerous accounts of inequality. Without exception, the dynamic force in these accounts is pride, which in most cases is manifest in cultural pretentiousness and exhibitionism. While the various faces and consequences of pride and its relationship to culture in the Book of Mormon have been the subject of Latter-day Saint literature, there has, to date, been no reading of the Book of Mormon that attempts to provide a structural account of pride and its relationship to culture-that is to say, no analysis of the systematic relationship between the two. To do so would require reading the Book of Mormon with a sociological lens, an approach that, at least for the purposes of this paper, might be regarded as complementary to a theological interpretation.

King Benjamin’s address is well known to readers of the Book of Mormon and is often quoted in devotional contexts. The address marks the transition between two great kings of Nephite history: Benjamin and Mosiah. It is also a moment of teaching and of testimony for the old king. From that point on, the people are officially called by the name of Christ. Another moment of teaching and of popular commitment occurs in the Book of Mosiah, although it receives less attention: the address given by King Mosiah and Alma the Elder when the latter’s people arrive in Zarahemla (reported in Mosiah 25). The aim of this brief research note is to underline commonalities between Mosiah’s address and King Benjamin’s address and to suggest that both form part of a larger trend in Nephite institutions, a trend that changes the depth of Nephite religious and political institutions.

Balli, Tyler. “LDS Hispanic Americans and Lamanite Identity.” Religious Educator: Perspectives on the Restored Gospel 19/3 (2018): 92-115. Belnap, Daniel L. “The Abinadi Narrative, Redemption, and the Struggle for Nephite Identity:’ In Abinadi: He Came Among Them in Disguise, edited by Hopkin, 27-66.

The editor gives a brief history of the Journal and gives his vision for the future of the publication.

The seventh chapter of the Book of Moses portrays Enoch’s vision of the history and future of the world within a specific literary framework. The text, coming from the Joseph Smith Translation of the Bible, outlines three periods of time: (1) the days of Noah, (2) the meridian of time, and (3) the last days. The portrayal of each of these time periods contains five similar characteristics. Szink also compares this text with accounts in the Bible and other nonbiblical sources to further understand the vision and the significance of its framework. By presenting the three periods in a literary art form, the author has created a complex beauty that reflects and reinforces the content of the vision.

At the time Jacob gave his speech in 2 Nephi 6–10, the Nephites had already been driven from two lands of inheritance and felt an ongoing concern of being cut off from God’s promises. Belnap illustrates that Jacob’s speech answers these concerns through emphasizing and expounding on the covenantal relationship made possible by God acting as the Divine Warrior. Jacob quotes Isaiah passages in his discourse and in some instances makes his own additions to emphasize important aspects. He illustrates how the Divine Warrior provides the hardships, knowledge, and power for an individual to become a divine warrior, and he discusses the Divine Warrior’s defeat over the monster of Death. The promises made by the Divine Warrior can provide hope and assurance to all.

Several maps from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries support details of Lehi’s journey as recorded in the Book of Mormon. In 1751, the renowned cartographer Jean Baptiste Bourguignon D’Anville became the first to include Nahom (or Nehem), Ishmael’s burial place in the Book of Mormon, in his map of Asia. This map and a 1771 map of Yemen are the basis for most accurate maps of Arabia from 1751 to 1814. The spelling varies among the subsequent maps, with most using either D’Anville’s Nehem or Niebuhr’s Nehhm, but the location of Nahom does not differ between those maps that include Nahom. The mention of Nahom on the finest maps by the greatest cartographers of the times, in a location that corresponds to Lehi’s account, gives credence to Lehi’s travels.

Scholars have presented and defended different viewpoints concerning the Lehite journey and the location of Nephi’s Bountiful. Aston explains that some of these arguments contain factual errors, such as claims regarding fertility and timber for Nephi’s ship and a lack of accounting for all possibilities. Discrepancies in theories and differences in opinion do not lessen the worth of all that has been found in Arabia and the supported theories, but acknowledging the sometimes contrary data will aid the search for the best candidate for Nephi’s Bountiful.

Summary of current issue.

Many interpretations exist about who the “suffering servant” in many of Isaiah’s writings might be. Interpretations for this figure include Isaiah himself, the people of Israel, Joseph Smith, and Jesus Christ. Without arguing against these understandings of the servant, this paper claims that Christ, in 3 Nephi 20–23, personifies the servant as the Book of Mormon. Both the servant and the Book of Mormon are portrayed as filling the same “great and marvelous” works in the gathering of Israel, reminding the Jews of their covenants with God, and bringing the Gentiles to Christ.

When authors use the rhetorical device of literary allusion, they not only teach through their own words but also attach to their own text meanings and interpretations from the alluded text. This is true of Nephi’s allusion to the account of David and Goliath in Nephi’s own account of his killing Laban, which allusion is generally of a thematic nature. A few of the main thematic parallels between the two accounts are that both unbelieving Israel and Laman and Lemuel are fearful of the main antagonist, both David and Nephi prophesy the death of their opponent, and both Goliath and Laban have their heads cut off and armor stripped. The implications of this allusion run deep. At a time in which the right to kingship was continually in dispute between Nephi and Laman, Nephi casting himself as David—the archetypal king of Judah, whose faith led to his supplanting Saul—could be seen as legitimizing his regal authority over Laman.

One of the most moving accounts in the Book of Mormon is of the people of Ammon, their covenant to bury and never use again their weapons of war, their faith to sacrifice themselves instead of fighting back against their Lamanite brethren, and their sacrifice to send their children to war to aid the Nephites. Some interpret the stance that the Ammonites took against war to be pacifist. Some indications point toward this conclusion: their burying their weapons, covenanting never to fight again, allowing themselves to be slaughtered twice, and being motivated in these actions out of love for their Lamanite kin. However, when the text is read more carefully, it can easily be seen that further actions would not necessarily have reflected a pacifist view toward war: not objecting to the Nephite war in their defense, providing Nephite soldiers with food and supplies, and sending their own sons into battle would surely indicate that their personal opposition to war stemmed from the covenants they made during repentance.

In our search for understanding, it is often instructive to determine what something does not mean. This is the case with the ending on some Book of Mormon names, -(i)hah. Because one of the most common names ending with -(i)hah is Moronihah, the son of Moroni, it might be tempting to understand these names as patronymic; however, of eleven names with the suffix -(i)hah, Moronihah is the only occurrence in which the father is known. The case of the brothers Mathoni and Mathonihah also casts doubt on this interpretation. The suffix -(i)hah can also be interpreted as a shortened form of Jehovah, yhwh. For this to occur, however, -i(j)ah would have to switch to -(i)hah through metathesis, which is extremely rare in Semitic languages. Among other arguments against this understanding are that there are no instances in the corpus in which -(i)hah is used as a shortened form of Jehovah and, with one possible exception, no geographical name compounds with yhwh, as -(i)hah does in the Book of Mormon. Although this leaves the question currently unresolved, the use of sound methodology has helped to settle what -(i)hah is not, which will ultimately aid in determining what it is.

A critique of Warren Aston’s “Identifying Our Best Candidate for Nephi’s Bountiful,” published in volume 17/1–2 of the Journal of the Book of Mormon and Restoration Scripture.

Summary of current issue.

The Book of Mormon treats many topics that most nineteenth-century Christians would have been thoroughly familiar with: the fall, atonement, and resurrection, just to name a few. However, the Book of Mormon treats these subjects in a way that would have required such readers to rethink their relationship with the divine, their place in Christian history, and God’s relationship to history. Christ’s visit to the New World, the continuance of the scriptural canon, and abundant personalized revelation all create a text that is both familiar and radical.

The early twentieth century found the Japanese language in a state of flux—colloquial Japanese was very slowly beginning to replace classical written Japanese, whose grammar had remained relatively intact for centuries. At this time of change Elder Alma O. Taylor began his 1909 translation of the Book of Mormon. He choose initially to render the text into the colloquial style; however, prodded by his Japanese reviewers, Taylor quickly realized that no publicly praiseworthy translation could be made in colloquial Japanese. The choice to translate the Book of Mormon in the classical language, as well as to have successful Japanese author, Choko Ikuta, review and edit the translation, allowed the 1909 text to accurately portray doctrine as well as to be considered a major literary achievement.

Articles from early newspapers and other publications give rare insights into the way in which the original audience of the Book of Mormon, both believers and critics, viewed the document. A large-scale collection of these documents was not initiated until the 1930s by Francis Kirkham, with encouragement from President George Albert Smith. Kirkham later published his collection in two volumes. His work, while extensive, was not exhaustive. The 19th-Century Publications about the Book of Mormon (1829–1844), a project partnered by the Maxwell Institute and the Harold B. Lee Library, builds off of Kirkham’s original research and seeks to preserve every extant published text discussing the Book of Mormon. The collection includes more than six hundred publications related to the Book of Mormon—almost one million words of text.

The Journal of Book of Mormon Studies was founded in 1992 to be a forum through which faithful LDS scholars could highlight their research on the historical, linguistic, cultural, and theological contexts of the Book of Mormon. Since its founding by Stephan D. Ricks, four other scholars have served as editors of this publication: John L. Sorenson, S. Kent Brown, Andrew H. Hedges, and Paul Y. Hoskisson. Under these scholars’ stewardship, the Journal has developed into the flagship publication of the Maxwell Institute. This article features not only the history of the Journal but also perspectives from each of the editors.

Revelations and Translations, Volume 1: Manuscript Revelation Books, the second out of thirty expected volumes of the Joseph Smith Papers, reproduces in textual and photographic format two books used between 1831 and 1835 to record revelations given through Joseph Smith. This volume marks the first time that scholars and other interested readers will have broad access to these books of revelations. The text includes color-coded transcriptions of the various redactions made by Smith, Cowdery, Williams, and others. The revelations included in the volume consist of both canonical and noncanonical revelations; some of the noncanonical revelations give an intriguing glimpse into the early LDS Church. While this volume will be a great asset to any reader, its full potential may not be realized until the publication of later volumes, which will include a general index, contextual footnotes, and historical introductions to the revelations.

A well-defined trend over the past two hundred years in secular biblical scholarship has been to sunder spiritual from historical, relegating events such as miracles and the resurrection to the category of “sacred stories.” This trend has also crept into some circles of LDS Book of Mormon scholarship, with adherents claiming an “expansionist” view of the Book of Mormon. They contend that the core of the text is historical but that so-called anachronisms in the text—references to the fall, atonement, resurrection, or new birth prior to the time of Christ—are due to Joseph Smith’s own interpolations. Because Book of Mormon writers and Joseph Smith himself clearly state that the text is entirely historical, this logically leaves expansionist advocates in the precarious position of claiming either that Joseph did not know the truth or that he lied. In contrast to this view, certain well-defined truths such as the truthfulness of the Book of Mormon, the reality of the First Vision, and the atonement and resurrection of Christ must stand as the foundation of the LDS faith.

Summary of current issue.

Reprinted in Hugh Nibley Observed.
Just as attorneys representing the church wouldn’t bear their testimonies in a courtroom, Hugh Nibley defended Joseph Smith through facts and scholarly dialogue, not testimony bearing. Although Nibley did, at times, discuss the Prophet specifically, his defense of Joseph came primarily through academic vindication of the Book of Mormon. When others made scholarly attacks against Joseph’s character, Nibley would move the debate to a discussion of the historicity of the book on its own terms. When Nibley did directly discuss the Prophet, he portrayed him as a humble, loving servant of God.

Until the discovery of Ostracon 2071, dating from the fifth century BC, in the 1930s on the shores of the Red Sea, the name Lehi (l?y in the discovered text) had been unattested in any extant document outside of the Book of Mormon. However, Nelson Gluek, along with many other scholars, including Hugh Nibley, vocalized l?y as “La?ai,” which pronunciation would have south Semitic roots. Chadwick argues, instead, that a Hebrew context for the ostracon would be more plausible and that therefore the more likely pronunciation would be “l??y.” He also argues for a Hebrew origin of the compound name ?bl?y, found in the fourth-century BC Samaria Papyri. Both of these names, given their strong Hebrew context, seem to confirm that Lehi was a name in use in ancient Israel and its surrounding areas.

Many easily recognizable Hebrew words and names can be found in the Book of Abraham. One name that hasn’t had a concrete meaning attached to it, however, is Elkenah. In this article, Barney addresses whether Elkenah is a person, place, or name; what its possible linguistic structures are; and what it might mean. Most importantly, Barney links Elkenah with the Canaanite god El and the attending cult—a cult that practiced human sacrifice. This has significant ramifications for the Book of Abraham, which has been criticized for its inclusion of human sacrifice. Assuming a northern location for the city Ur and taking Elkenah as the Canaanite El resolve the issue of child sacrifice in the Book of Abraham.

Third Nephi and its account of the ministry of the resurrected Jesus to the Nephites has long been seen as the pinnacle of the Book of Mormon. This text can also be viewed as the Holy of Holies of the Book of Mormon. Everything in 3 Nephi, especially the ministry of the Savior, echoes themes related to the temple and the presence of the Lord in the Holy of Holies. Themes such as silence, timelessness, unity, awe, and consecration confirm this interpretation.

One of the largest theological issues throughout Christian history is the fate of the unevangelized dead: Will they be eternally damned? Will they be lesser citizens in the kingdom of God? Will they have a chance to accept Christ postmortally? These issues are related to the soteriological problem of evil. The belief of the earliest Christians, even through the time of the church fathers Origen and Clement of Alexandria, was that postmortal evangelization was possible. One of the origins of this belief is seen in apocalyptic Judaism, in which righteous gentiles are not left to suffer eternally but, however, are given a lesser status than righteous Jews. Early Christian doctrine goes even further through the belief of Christ’s preaching in Hades—all people have a chance, through accepting Christ, to be save in the same state. Later, however, many Christian theologians such as Aquinas, Luther, and Calvin rejected this doctrine and contended that righteousness and unrighteousness are fixed at death.

This short article was originally published in the journal Concilium: An International Review of Theology and as such is addressed to a non-LDS audience. Nibley begins by giving a brief historical and theological background to the Book of Mormon. He then makes the point that the Book of Mormon includes topics that leave it open to scholars in many different disciplines to study and to put on trial. Finally, he comments on the remarkable coherence with which the prophetic editors were able to compile the Book of Mormon.

Summary of current issue and a letter to the editor.

On 25 March 2010, in the Harold B. Lee Library Auditorium, Brigham Young University, Marilyn Arnold presented this lecture as part of a series honoring Hugh W. Nibley on the 100th anniversary of his birth (27 March 2010).
In this lecture commemorating the one hundredth anniversary of Hugh Nibley’s birth, Arnold paints a picture of him by discussing not only his scholarship but also his very unique, and often humorous, writing and speaking styles and his consistent jabs at academia. According to Arnold, who read everything Nibley had written on the Book of Mormon, Nibley was never more eloquent or serious than when he defended that book. Often, Arnold notes, his defenses and other writings are illuminated by literary devices, including the use of parable, epistle, and Platonic dialogue.

To help mitigate the soteriological problem of evil, that one having had no chance to hear the gospel would be sent to hell, many early Christians practiced baptism for the dead. The only reference to this in the New Testament comes in 1 Corinthians 15:29, a scripture that some scholars attempt to reinterpret or repunctuate to dismiss baptism for the dead but that most scholars defend as a legitimate reference. Further strengthening the historicity of the practice are references by early writers such as Tertullian and Ambrosiaster. The quest for authenticating the practice of baptism for the dead should rest on these and other historical references, not on retroactively applied standards of orthodoxy.

The customary interpretation of 3 Nephi 11:1 has been that those around the temple in Bountiful were showing one another the “ great and marvelous change” that had taken place in the land. However, Jones argues that those people were discussing instead the change that had taken place in their hearts. By examining the context in which this scripture appears and by interpreting other scriptures, especially ones emphasizing the way in which most revelation is received, Jones shows that the atonement of Jesus Christ and the individuals’ subsequent change of heart would have been the main topic of their discussion and would therefore be an appropriate understanding of the scripture.

A practice that was eventually condemned by the church because of its Jewish affinities—being found, for example, in the Testaments of Abraham and Job and in the writings of Philo—the prayer circle has a long and complex history in Christian practice. This practice was considered one of the “ mysteries” and therefore was protected from all who weren’t initiated. For the initiated participants, this was a very sacred practice, which demanded unity between all those involved. The prayer circle, generally referred to as a “ dance,” often included hymns, prayers for the living and the dead, and gestures that would prepare the participants for heavenly visitations.

Patriarch Tarasius and various bishops and monks condemn the Acts of John, in which an account of the early Christian prayer circle is recorded.

This text, from a Christian “Book of Breathings,” highlights the importance of the prayer circle in early Christian worship.

Letters praising the Journal of the Book of Mormon and Other Restoration Scripture and responses to articles published therein.

Martin Harris, one of the Three Witnesses of the Book of Mormon, was the only witness to join the Saints in Utah. This journey was commenced only after missionaries passed through Kirtland for decades and attempted to convince Harris to make the journey to the Salt Lake Valley. Although each missionary over the course of decades was unsuccessful in his attempts to convince the impoverished, lonely Harris to go to Utah, each was spiritually renewed through the ever-present testimony of the witness of the Book of Mormon and “custodian” of the Kirtland Temple. This is the testimony Harris spread even as he traveled to Utah after a former acquaintance of his finally convinced him to make the trip at the age of eighty-seven. Finally in Utah, Harris enjoyed again the blessings of the church and continued to pronounce, even until he died, his powerful testimony of the Book of Mormon.

Beginning with Paul’s reference to baptism for the dead and the early Christian practice thereof, many theologians—from Augustine and Cyril of Alexandria to Thomas Aquinas, Joseph Smith, and some of his contemporaries—have discussed the fate of the unevangelized dead. These authors have provided many ideas to solve this soteriological problem of evil; however, until the restoration, none could balance the three truths that God is all loving, one must accept Jesus Christ to be saved, and many have died without knowing about Christ. This article chronicles the thoughts of these and other theologians as well as the development, through revelation, of Joseph Smith’s own thinking on postmortem evangelization and baptism for the dead.

From God’s first creative act recorded in Genesis to the brightness with which the Savior will return in the second coming, light is ever present in scripture. Many instances in the scriptures record God’s use of light to further his purposes—the stones that provided the Jaredites light while crossing the ocean, the light by which the children of Israel were led in the wilderness, and the light that announced the Savior’s birth. None of these physical manifestations of light is without powerful symbolic meaning. At other points in scripture, light is used purely as a symbol—a symbol of truth, wisdom, power, and righteousness. More important than these, though, is that light can ultimately represent Jesus Christ himself, by whose light all can be saved.

Nahom, a proper name given as the burial place of Ishmael in 1 Nephi 16:34, compellingly correlates archaeologically, geographically, and historically to the site of Nehem on the Arabian peninsula. However, as this article exhibits, some of the linguistic and etymological evidence given to connect the Book of Mormon Nahom to the Arabian Nehem is somewhat problematic.

Responding to an inquiry from a member of a different faith about why the Book of Mormon was translated into the English of the King James Version of the Bible, Nibley discusses the use of biblical language in contemporary society, citing in particular the language of prayer and the use of King James English in the translation of the Dead Sea Scrolls. This article also serves as a platform for Nibley to discuss other issues raised about the Book of Mormon, especially in reference to the King James version of the Bible.

Letters praising the Journal of the Book of Mormon and Other Restoration Scripture and responding to articles published therein.

How Mormon compiled Nephite records into the book that bears his name has never been carefully studied. This paper makes an attempt to understand that process as it details the limitations Mormon faced and the sources he would have used. Mormon’s framework depended primarily on the larger plates of Nephi, but this paper demonstrates that Mormon appears to have supplemented those plates with other sources from the Nephite archive of records. The restrictions of the plates of Nephi and the nature of the additional sources are discussed and evaluated.

Hugh Nibley cared deeply about creation and was passionate about our stewardship over the earth. His arguments in defense of the environment were informed by the disciplines he knew best: history, philosophy, and theology. From his study, research, and reasoning, Nibley drew several principles that seem to have directed his thoughts and crafted his sense of environmental stewardship. Four of these principles are discussed in this paper: (1) humankind has a divine mandate to properly care for creation; (2) humankind’s spiritual health and environmental heath are linked; (3) creation obeys, reverences, and provides for humankind, as humankind righteously cares for creation; and (4) humankind should not sacrifice environmental health for temporal wealth.
A review of Hugh Nibley’s thoughts and writings on the environment.

This paper probes the theories of the origin of the American Indian up to the time of the translation and publication of the Book of Mormon. It covers some three hundred years of development, looking at many different theories, including the predominant theory of the lost tribes of Israel, which was in decline among most leading scientific observers in the early nineteenth century. The paper covers new ground in showing that Professor Samuel L. Mitchill, formerly of Columbia College, had concluded that two main groups of people once dominated the Americas—the Tartars of northern Asia and the Australasians of the Polynesian islands. Furthermore, they fought one another for many years, culminating in great battles of extermination in what later became upstate New York. This New York theory has much in common with the Book of Mormon. While visiting Professor Charles Anthon in New York in 1828, Martin Harris also met with Mitchill, an encounter that lent support to Harris’s work on the Book of Mormon.

After Joseph Smith’s death, the Saints still had many questions regarding the soteriological problem of evil and the doctrines about redeeming the dead. This paper details what leaders of the church after Joseph Smith have said in response to these previously unanswered questions. They focus on the nature of Christ’s visit to the spirit world, those who were commissioned to preach the gospel to the departed spirits, the consequences of neglecting the gospel in mortality, and the extent and role of temple ordinances for those not eligible for celestial glory. This paper focuses on both the early and the late teachings of President Joseph F. Smith. It explains the doctrinal and historical contexts for his vision in 1918 and the further insights provided by this vision.

The plausibility of the attempted offering of Abraham by a priest of pharaoh and the existence of human sacrifice in ancient Egypt have been questioned and debated. This paper presents strong evidence that ritual slaying did exist among ancient Egyptians, with a particular focus on its existence in the Middle Kingdom. It details three individual evidences of human sacrifice found in ancient Egypt. Four different aspects of the attempted offering of Abraham are compared to these Egyptian evidences to illustrate how the story of Abraham fits with the picture of ritual slaying in Middle Kingdom Egypt.

Numerous differences exist between the Isaiah passages in the Book of Mormon and the corresponding passages in the King James Version of the Bible. The Great Isaiah Scroll supports several of these differences found in the Book of Mormon. Five parallel passages in the Isaiah scroll, the Book of Mormon, and the King James Version of the Bible are compared to illustrate the Book of Mormon’s agreement with the Isaiah scroll.

Letters praising the Journal of the Book of Mormon and Other Restoration Scripture and responding to articles published therein.

Much of what is done in Latter-day Saint temples is symbolic. Temple symbolism, however, extends well beyond the ordinances performed within the temples. From the Kirtland Temple’s pulpits representing the different orders of the priesthood to the stones on the Salt Lake Temple representing the universe and one’s relationship to God, exterior temple symbolism complements the principles learned within. The architecture within temples also provides insights into the ordinances. In many temples, murals depicting the different kingdoms of glory and stairs leading to higher areas remind participants of their ascent to God. This article chronicles, in detail, the meanings and development of these and other symbols incorporated into the architecture of modern-day temples.

As specified by revelation, one of the responsibilities given to Emma Smith was to select hymns for the church. However, almost immediately after the revelation was given, tension arose as to who should compile the hymnbook and what its nature should be. This eventually led to more than one “official” hymn book for the church—the 1840 hymnbook created by the Quorum of the Twelve during their mission in England and Emma’s 1841 hymnbook. Whereas the apostles’ hymnbook focused mainly on restoration, millennial, and missionary topics, Emma’s felt more Protestant, focusing in many instances on the cross, the blood of Jesus, and grace. With the departure of the Saints from Nauvoo and Emma’s choice to remain behind, however, it was ultimately the apostles’ hymn book that was in a position to shape the hymnody for the present-day church.

The abundance of skeptical theories about who wrote the Book of Mormon has led many scholars to seek scientific data to discover the answer. One technique is stylometry. Having first been developed in the 1850s, stylometry seeks to find the ” wordprint” of a text. Although these stylistic studies are not as accurate as a human’s fingerprint, they can give researchers a good idea either of differences in style between authors or of who might have written a text from a list of possible authors. Beginning in the 1960s individuals have completed four major stylometric studies on the Book of Mormon, studies that varied in both findings and quality of research. In addition to these four studies, this article presents a fifth study—using extended nearest shrunken centroid (ENSC) classification—that incorporates and improves on the earlier research.

Often overlooked in scriptural text, hand and arm gestures are often used to convey meanings that complement the verbal lessons being taught. This article discusses the meaning and significance of four specific gestures referred to in the Book of Mormon: stretching forth one’s hand(s), stretching forth the hand to exert divine power, extending the arm(s) in mercy, and clapping the hands to express joys. Beyond the fascinating meanings of these gestures in the Book of Mormon are the correlations that can be seen in the biblical text and in other Near Eastern cultures. Also insightful, specifically in reference to Moses’s hand movements at the Red Sea, is the way in which the Bible, the Book of Mormon, and other extracanonical writings build on each other to give a fuller interpretive picture.

The question of where Joseph Smith received the text of the Book of Abraham has elicited three main theories, one of which, held by a minority of church members, is that Joseph translated it from papyri that we no longer have. It is conjectured that if this were the case, then the contents of the Book of Abraham must have been on what nineteenth-century witnesses described as the “long roll.” Two sets of scholars developed mathematical formulas to discover, from the remains of what they believe to be the long roll, what the length of the long roll would have been. However, when these formulas are applied on scrolls of known length, they produce erratic or inconclusive results, thus casting doubt on their ability to accurately conclude how long the long roll would have been.

In recent years the idea has been promoted that the Book of Mormon should be viewed as a great moral work but not as the actual history of peoples in the Americas. In this paper, Elder Dallin H. Oaks of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles defends the historicity of the Book of Mormon from the standpoint of faith and revelation. He demonstrates that scholarship cannot create faith and that secular evidence will never be able to prove or disprove the Book of Mormon. He also illustrates how the burden of negative proof lies squarely on the shoulders of skeptics, how God values the witness of revelation more than the witness of man, and how historians’ methodologies are unable to sufficiently account for the Book of Mormon.

Letters praising the Journal of the Book of Mormon and Other Restoration Scripture and responding to articles published therein.

Royal sonship is a key theme of Mosiah 1–6, including King Benjamin’s seminal address at the temple in Zarahemla (Mosiah 2–5) on the occasion of his son Mosiah’s enthronement. Benjamin, however, caps this covenant sermon, not with an assertion of his son’s royal status and privileges, but with a radical declaration of his people’s royal rebirth (or adoption) as “ the children of Christ, his sons and his daughters” (Mosiah 5:7) and their potential enthronement at God’s “ right hand” (5:9). Similar to rhetorical wordplay involving proper names found in the Bible, the Book of Mormon, and other ancient texts, Benjamin’s juxtaposition of “sons”/“daughters” and the “right hand” constitutes a deliberate wordplay on his own name, traditionally taken to mean “son of the right hand.” The name of Christ, rather than Benjamin’s own name, is given to all his people as a new name—a “throne” name. However, he warns them against refusing to take upon them this throne name and thus being found “on the left hand of God” (5:10), a warning that also constitutes an allusion to his name. Benjamin’s ultimate hope is for his people’s royal, divine sonship/daughterhood to be eternally “sealed.”

The literary sophistication of the Book of Mormon is manifest at all levels of the text: vocabulary, rhetoric, narrative, and structure. A prime example of this craftsmanship is the concept of ethnicity, that is, how different social groups are defined and distinguished in the record. Nephi defines ethnicity by four complementary concepts: nation (traditional homeland), kindred (descent group), tongue (language group), and people (covenant community). While all four concepts are relevant to the Nephite record, people predominates. The term people is by far the most frequently used noun in the Book of Mormon and is the basis of a distinctive covenant identity given by God to Nephi. Following God’s law was the essential condition of this covenant and the basis of most of the sermons, exhortations, commentary, and other spiritual pleas of this sacred record. The covenant of the chosen people accounts for much of what befalls the Nephites and Lamanites, positive and negative, in this history. Mormon and Moroni follow Nephi’s covenant-based definition of ethnicity in their respective abridgments of the large plates of Nephi and the plates of Ether.

The word resurrection is employed at varying frequencies in specific books and by individual writers in the Book of Mormon. Although Alma uses resurrection most often overall, Abinadi uses it more often per thousand words spoken. Some phrases in which resurrection is used in unique patterns by different speakers include power of the resurrection, first resurrection, and resurrection with the words time or with body. Some phrasal uses of resurrection in the Book of Mormon are not found in the Bible (such as resurrection and presence appearing together). This study of the usage of one individual word appears to show that individual voices are preserved in the Book of Mormon.

Deflected agreement is a grammatical phenomenon found in Semitic languages—it is ubiquitous in Arabic and found occasionally in Classical Hebrew. Deflected agreement is a plausible explanation for certain grammatical incongruities present, in translation, within the original and printer’s manuscripts and printed editions in the Book of Mormon in the grammatical areas of verbal, pronominal, and demonstrative agreement. This finding gives greater credence to the plausibility of the authenticity and historicity of the Book of Mormon. Additionally, the implications of this finding on Book of Mormon scholarship are discussed.

In 1892, when John Gilbert was 90 years old, he made a statement about the process of setting the type for the Book of Mormon at the Grandin Print Shop. John was the compositor (or typesetter) for the 1830 edition of the book. He makes claims about the number of manuscript pages, the number of copies and the price, the number of ems (a measure of type width) per printed page, a comparison of manuscript versus printed pages, a description of the font, the process of receiving the pages to typeset, proofreading the title page, the decision not to correct grammatical errors, scribes for the printer’s manuscript, paragraphing and punctuation, capitalization in the manuscript, Gilbert’s taking work home to punctuate, and details about the signatures. In every aspect, Gilbert’s recollections are either precisely correct or easily explained.

This is not an essay in the usual sense. Instead, it is a close reading of Moroni 10, looking verse by verse at what Mornoi might be teaching us. The overarching question is, to what does Moroni exhort us as he seals his book and writes his final words? Examining each of Morni’s eight exhortations, Faulconer shows one way to study scriptures and perhaps to think about them afresh. In addition to the importantadmonition to pray about the truth of the Book of Mormon, he sees in this chapter a message of God’s mercy and of our need for charity.

Throughout its history, ancient Egyptian religion showed a remarkable capacity for adopting new religious ideas and characters and adapting them for use in an already existing system of worship. This process continued, and perhaps accelerated, during the Groco-Roman era of Egyptian history. Egyptian priests readily used foreign religious characters in their rituals and religious formulas, particularly from Greek and Jewish religions. Religious texts demonstrate that Egyptian priests knew of both biblical and nonbiblical accounts of many Jewish figures--especially Jehova, Abraham, and Moses--by about 200 BC. Knowing this religio-cultural background helps us understand how the priest in Thebes who owned Joseph Smith Papyrus I would have been familiar with stories of Abraham.

Idrimi of Alalakh lived in Syria about a century after Abraham and left an autobiographical inscription that is the only such item uncovered archaeologically from Middle Bronze Age Syro-Palestine. The inscription of Idrimi and the Book of Abraham share a number of parallel features and motifs. Some of the parallels are a result of similar experiences in their lives and some are a result of coming from a similar culture and time.

The Zoramite narratives of Alma 31-35 and Alma 43-44 are richly symbolic accounts woven with many subtle details regarding the imporatnce of costly apparel and riches as an outward evidence of pride. This literary analysis focuses on how Mormon as editor structured the Zoramite narrative and used clothing as a metaphor to show the dangers of pride and the blessings afforded by humble adherence to God’s teachings and covenants. The Zoramite’s pride--as evidenced by their focus on costly apparel, gold, silver, and fine goods (Alma 31:24-25, 28)--competes with the foundational Book of Mormon teaching that the obedient will “ prosper in the land” (1 Nephi 4:14; Mosiah 1:7). The story deveops this tension between pride and true prosperity by employing the metaphor of clothing to set up several dramatic ironies.

In 1838 a group of Latter-day Sints passed through Randolph County, Missouri, on their way to join the Sains at Far West. A journal entry by Samuel D. Tyler, a member of the church who traveled with this group, has led some students of the Book of Mormon to conclude that the Prophet Joseph Smith revealed the location of the ancient city of Manti spoken of in the Book of Mormon. A careful examination of the Tyler journal an dother historical sources suggests that this conclusion is unwarranted.

In the spring and summer of 1838, the presidency of the Seventy in Kirtland organized Kirtland Camp to assist many of the poorer Church members living in Ohio to relocate to northern Missouri, a trek of more than eight hundred miles. Comprised of over five hundred individuals, including families, Kirtland Camp was the first Mormon company organized to assist in the migration of the Latter-day Saints in the history of the Church.

Jesus quoted key phrases, often in inverted order, from the Sermon on the Mount (3 Nephi 12-14) in subsequent Book of Mormon chapters (3 Nephi 15-28), thus demonstrating that the sermon was accepted as an authoritative text establishing and defning Jesus’s kingdom on earth. Although rarely considered in this light, Peter, James, Paul, and the gospel writers quoted from all parts of the Sermon on the Mount, similarly substantiating the authoritative functions of the sermon as a foundational text in early Chrsitiantiy. Literary analysis supports the ideas that these quotations were intentional, that an awareness of the sermon was widespread in the earliest decades of Christinaity, and that audiences to which Jesus and his apostles spoke were fmailiar with teachings and commandments found in the SErmon on the Mount.

Pre-Columbian Mesoamerica was populated by scores of distinctive cultural groups. Such groups are identified archaeologically by their stylistically unique material cultures, from small, portable ceramic objects to large-scale monumental architecture, as well as through distinctive artistic, religious, and linguistic evidence. Significant interaction took place between these distinctive peoples and cultures, and some major metropolitan areas were home to different ethnic groups. This paper offers a brief glimpse at some of the cultures that inhabited the major geographical regions of Mesoamerica throughout its threethousand-year history and explores the cultural diversity that existed within and between regions.

The Joseph Smith Papyri have been a hot topic among scholars, especially since the resurfacing of fragments of the collection in the late 1960s. The facsimiles in particular have received much attention in scholarly circles, especially in relation to their accompanying explanations given by Joseph Smith. This article contributes evidence of the accuracy of Smith’s explanations, despite his lack of knowledge concerning Egyptology. Specifically, this article discusses the relationship between “ the idolatrous god of pharaoh” in Facsimile 1 with the Egyptian crocodile god, Sobek (also known as Sebek, Sobk, and Suchos), and his connection to the Middle Kingdom pharaoh Amenemhet III. Evidence both from historical texts and from archaeology demonstrates the important role Sobek played in the Fayyum region during the reign of Amenemhet III. Sobek was thus a likely candidate for the “ idolatrous god of pharaoh” of Facsimile 1 in the Book of Abraham.

The Book of Abraham in the Pearl of Great Price depicts the creation, including the motifs of the divine council, primeval chaos, and creation from preexisting matter. This depiction fits nicely in an ancient Near Eastern cultural background and has strong affinities with the depiction of the cosmos found in the Hebrew Bible and other ancient Near Eastern texts (especially Egyptian and Mesopotamian).

Remember is one of the most frequently used verbs in the Book of Mormon. It is consistently used by its authors in a covenant context—establishing or renewing an eternal relationship with God, expressing and realizing the blessings of the gospel of Jesus Christ, and preserving the distinctive identity of a covenant people. The present study examines the complex and profound ways that the complementary concepts of memory, identity, and covenants express the meaning of the sacred Nephite history through the vocabulary and narrative structures of the text and postulates how and why the Nephites preserved this official record for posterity.

While Jacob records 15,000 words in the Book of Mormon, he is often underappreciated, perhaps living in the shadow of his older brother Nephi. This study illustrates how Nephi, King Benjamin, and Moroni used Jacob’s words and expanded the influence of his literary legacy.

This article discusses possible explanations regarding the procedures Joseph Smith and his associates used in mounting the Joseph Smith Papyri fragments and their reasons for doing so. The backing materials, some of which contain drawings of a temple plan and plat sketches of northeastern Ohio townships, provide a valuable historical artifact that helps historians answer questions associated with the papyri. The dimensions, gluing techniques, and cutting patterns of the backing paper and papyri also help explain the mounting process, as does an examination of the handwriting on the backing paper. Careful analysis suggests that a portion of the backing material came from several sheets of paper glued together to make a large sheet on which plans for a temple were drawn. Historical evidence suggests that in late 1837 or early 1838, pieces of papyri were glued to this and other papers and cut into smaller pieces, some of which were put under glass to preserve the papyrus fragments from further deterioration.

During the time the Latter-day Saints lived in Nauvoo, John Stephens and Frederick Catherwood published Incidents of Travel in Central America, an illustrated report of the first discovery of ancient ruins in Central America by explorers. These discoveries caused great excitement among the Saints, and subsequently five editorials appeared in the Times and Seasons commenting on what these meant for the church. Although the author of the editorials was not indicated, historians have wondered if Joseph Smith penned them since he was the newspaper’s editor at the time. We examined the historical evidence surrounding the editorials and conducted a detailed stylometric analysis of the texts, comparing the writing style in the editorials with the writing styles of Joseph Smith, John Taylor, and Wilford Woodruff—the only men involved with the newspaper during the time the editorials were published. Both the historical and stylometric evidence point toward Joseph Smith as the most likely author of the editorials. Even if he did not write them alone, he took full responsibility for the contents of the newspaper during his editorial tenure when he stated, “ I alone stand for it.”

The early and persistent claim that Joseph Smith quoted Shakespeare in the Book of Mormon fails to take into account the broader context of sources. Much closer parallels than Shakespeare are available in the Bible as well as in ancient Near Eastern literature. Indeed, the constellation of ideas about death expressed in 2 Nephi 1:13–15 fits that ancient Near Eastern context in several powerful ways—ways that belie the claim that Joseph Smith plagiarized Shakespeare.

News reports from 2013 identify the site of Oylum Höyük with both the city of Abraham and the ancient city of Ulišum. The latter has been identified with the Olishem of Abraham 1:10. While the preliminary reports are encouraging, the evidence upon which the archaeologists base their identifications has not yet been published. So while there is nothing against the proposed identifications, they are not proven either.

Excerpts from the Deseret Evening News of 25 May 1903 report on a convention at which Book of Mormon geography was discussed.

On 25 January 1928, President Heber J. Grant wrote a letter to a young woman in which he shares his love for the Book of Mormon and his testimony of its divinity.

Alma 32 is a learned text on the topic of faith. The account incorporates creation imagery from the opening chapters of Genesis. Alma’s sermon follows a theological pattern in the Hebrew Bible where creation is used to encourage audiences to exercise faith in the present by considering the primordial past.Alma compares the “word of God” unto a seed, telling his audience that they are to be involved with “planting.” Thus, Alma’s sermon combines the two distinct creation views in the Genesis narratives, for God speaks the divine word in order to create in Genesis 1, and he plants seeds and trees to create his garden paradise in Genesis 2–3. By invoking the miracle of creation in the past into a present context of seed growth and recreation, Alma encourages his readers to fulfill the measure of their own creation by experimenting upon the divine word. Obtaining the type of faith Alma describes is therefore the very purpose of human existence, and it has been from the beginning.

Third Nephi testifies to the fulfillment of Jesus’s eschatological prophecies, even though Mormon, the prophet-historian who records the remarkable events, was unaware of the content of Jesus’s mortal teachings. He nevertheless recognizes Christ’s postresurrection visit as both the fulfillment of Nephite prophecy and the reenactment of particular episodes of their sacred history by incorporating numerous scriptural allusions into his account. Mormon’s independent witness in which he recounts a day of divine judgment, the coming of the Lord, and the inauguration of the kingdom of God within the timeframe Jesus had prescribed validates Jesus’s prophecies in Galilee and Judea. Despite the ironic incongruity between what was expected and how it was fulfilled, Mormon’s narrative confirms the New Testament’s proclamation and thus serves to save the credibility of Christianity that has long been challenged by the problem of the delayed parousia—that is, that Jesus’s prophecies of an imminent theocratic kingdom seem to have failed.

A series of striking parallels between the vision of Arjuna recorded in the Bhagavad Gita and the vision of the brother of Jared in the Book of Mormon suggests the need for comparative work to be done on these two volumes of world scripture. This paper works through three interrelated points of contact between the two visions. First, it considers the epic context of each vision, context that provides conditions for the possibility of religious revolution. Second, it looks in detail at the respective religious revolutions produced by the two visions: the Hindu shift toward devotion and the Jaredite shift toward faith. Third, it outlines the theological significance of the principal difference such similarities bring into focus—namely, that between the conceptions of incarnation at work in Hinduism and Mormonism. Where the incarnational logic associated with Arjuna’s vision suggests that embodiment is temporary and instrumental for the divine, the corresponding incarnational logic associated with the brother of Jared’s vision suggests that embodiment is permanent and essential for the divine. The striking parallels between the visions of Arjuna and the brother of Jared thus help to highlight crucial but subtle theological differences between the respective religions associated with those visions.

In his work on poetic parallelisms in the Book of Mormon, Donald W. Parry has demonstrated that that book is replete with Hebrew poetry and parallelisms such as chiasmus. Through analyzing individual texts, this paper seeks to determine whether the patterns Parry points out are deliberately included in the Book of Mormon. Texts selected for the analysis include those that (1) are self-contained with regard to the larger narrative, (2) are explicitly included as embedded documents, and (3) whose authorship is clearly stated or implied; twenty texts totaling 884 verses meet those criteria. After analyzing the percentage of each texts that has parallelisms, it becomes clear that texts created for oral recitation (sermons) have a substantially higher percentage of parallelisms than those created for written circulation (narratives, proclamations, and letters). Since a major purpose of poetic parallelisms is to facilitate memorization for oral delivery, this means we find parallelisms precisely where we would expect them to appear in the Book of Mormon, thus lending credence to the hypothesis that these parallelisms are deliberate and not accidental.

Review of Sacred Borders: Continuing Revelation and Canonical Restraint in Early America (2011), by David F. Holland, and American Zion: The Old Testament as a Political Text from the Revolution to the Civil War (2013), by Eran Shalev.

Review of The Gift and Power: Translating the Book of Mormon (2011), by Brant A. Gardner.

Alma 13:3 is occasionally cited by LDS commentators as evidence for the doctrine of premortal foreordination—an interpretation that unfortunately overlooks a key feature of the organization and terminology of Alma 13. This brief note begins to sort out this and other interpretive complexities by proposing that Alma 13:3b–9 be read as a clarifying expansion of Alma 13:3a.

Modern-day encounters with the Three Nephites (described in the Book of Mormon) are commonly referenced in LDS culture. While such accounts could stand as confirmations of Latter-day Saint scripture, they are regularly described as irrelevant to questions of salvation and exaltation and are relegated to the inessential realm of folklore. Closer anthropological analysis of LDS discourse surrounding the Three Nephites—from humor and its role in figuring Mormon sacredness to connections to Mormon narratives of Christ’s resurrection and millennial expectation—suggests that these accounts are richly significant, that things that seem to matter little can convey a great deal about the Mormon experience of the sacred.

This article puts forward a methodology for identifying and classifying phrases from the New Testament that are present within the Book of Mormon text at a phrasal level. The need for such a methodology has arisen because of a recent rise in close textual studies of the Book of Mormon and its relationship to the Bible. The methodology proposed by this study suggests that terms such as quotation, allusion, and echo—terms popular in biblical studies—be avoided because of the implication that the author of the Book of Mormon was consciously relying upon the language of the Bible. While this may be true, the use of language implying a reliance risks derailing useful textual studies in favor of debates over provenance. Additionally, because not all potential interactions with the New Testament are easily identifiable, this paper proposes a series of criteria that can be applied to potential phrases to determine the likelihood that a given phrase should be studied as a valid New Testament interaction. Finally, this paper proposes three levels of classification, based upon how well a given phrase meets the criteria laid out in the study

This paper puts 3 Nephi 1 in conversation with Helaman 14 in order to argue for a complex relationship between temporality and the fulfillment of prophecy. In addition to echoing Matthew 5:17–18 in order to place a structural emphasis on fulfillment, 3 Nephi 1 portrays a series of Nephite misunderstandings about the nature of time and fulfillment that are then counteracted by the cosmic signs of Samuel the Lamanite. What Samuel’s signs ultimately show is that fulfillment of prophecy is best understood as the beginning of a new era rather than as a conclusion, and that this temporal reorientation makes repentance possible. After discussing how Samuel’s signs implicitly correct Nephite temporality, the paper concludes with a brief reflection on the implications for the Book of Mormon as a whole, arguing that the Book of Mormon is intended to function as a sign that likewise orients readers to a new experience of time.

The title of liberty fashioned by Moroni represented a rallying point for those who would defend the most cherished aspects of Nephite culture: families, religion, peace, and freedom. A key facet of the title of liberty incident is its deep-rooted martial setting, suggesting that the title of liberty functioned as a war banner. Numerous aspects of the title of liberty episode related to warfare and battle standards fit comfortably in an ancient Mesoamerican context. Additionally, various linguistic and poetic features in the details surrounding the title of liberty in Alma 46 closely correlate to Mesoamerican traditions, indicative of a common cultural origin.

This article explores the connection between Alma’s mission to the Zoramites in Alma 31 and the mass Lamanite conversion in Helaman 5, which occurs in part because the Lamanites who are intent on killing Nephi and Lehi in prison remember the teachings of Alma, Amulek, and Zeezrom delivered to the Zoramites decades earlier. This reading demonstrates that Alma’s mission to the Zoramites is not a failure, as some commentators have suggested; in fact, the eventual positive impact of the Zoramite mission readily compares to the success enjoyed by the sons of Mosiah among the Lamanites. This article also suggests that Mormon’s lengthy war narrative at the end of the book of Alma can be read as a literary unit designed in part to show, as Alma hoped and predicted at the outset of his Zoramite mission, that the word of God (at least eventually) has a “more powerful effect upon the minds of the people than the sword, or anything else” (Alma 31:5).

Traditional interpretations of the various-colored or cursed skins in the Book of Mormon have asserted variations of two basic perspectives: first, the Book of Mormon describes God as darkening the flesh pigmentation of some wicked peoples as a mark of a curse; or alternately, the descriptions of “white” skins and “dark” skins in the Book of Mormon are only metaphorical descriptions and not necessarily descriptions of flesh pigmentation. However, a careful textual analysis of all the relevant terms and passages in the Book of Mormon (and its closest literary analog, the King James Version of the Bible) strongly suggests that the various-colored skins in the Book of Mormon can be understood more coherently as a kind of authoritative garment. The relevant texts further lend themselves to associating such garment-skins with both the Nephite temple and competing Lamanite claims to kingship. Ultimately, this exegesis suggests that such garment-skins (as the mark of the Lamanites’ curse) can be understood as being self-administered, removable, and inherited in the same way that authoritative vestments in the King James Version are self-administered, removable, and inherited.

This essay examines the shared literary approach to the Book of Mormon in recent essays by Elizabeth Fenton and Jared Hickman. These two scholars use the literary tool of deconstruction to investigate ways in which the Book of Mormon not only presents a narrative but also offers an implicit critique of its own narrative. Each sees this selfcritical or deconstructive aspect of the Book of Mormon as central to the volume’s historical and political force, a means by which the book could subtly but powerfully work against major assumptions in nineteenth-century American culture. Although they share this methodology, Fenton and Hickman use it for slightly different aims or go to slightly different lengths with it. These differences help to clarify both the usefulness of and the potential dangers or temptations inherent to the deconstructive interpretation of the Book of Mormon.

Despite the fact that the Book of Mormon contains frequent mentions of the Spirit by a variety of names and titles, little attention has been devoted to the pneumatology of the Book of Mormon. This study seeks to identify the broad contours of Book of Mormon pneumatology based on the claims of the book itself. The categories examined include the divinity, nature, and form of the Holy Ghost; the Holy Ghost and prophecy; the Holy Ghost and power; the Holy Ghost’s influence on individuals; the Holy Ghost and speaking in tongues; the communication of the Holy Ghost; and the Spirit’s striving with “man”; as well as other dimensions of the book’s pneumatology.

Jacob 7:26 has often been noted for its pathos and nostalgia. A close reading of the verse finds that these effects result from the author’s own problematic family relationships, specifically Jacob’s troubled relationship with his older brothers, Laman and Lemuel, who have potentially hated him since his birth because of his position and alignment with Nephi. While Nephi seeks reconciliation with his brothers, Jacob seeks redemption as a healing of a preexistent family breach. In other words, Jacob seeks sealing. This emphasis on sealing can be seen in his temporal orientation, which simultaneously looks toward the past as the source of the family conflict and toward the future (through Enos) as the ongoing hope for the family’s eventual healing.

In Moroni 7:20, Mormon raises a question that deserves close attention in Book of Mormon studies: “How is it possible that ye can lay hold upon every good thing?” In relation to questions of culture, space, mortal limitations, and time, Mormon’s question and the answers he poses are rich with potential for scholarly work and deeper understanding of discipleship. Close contemporary readings of Mormon’s sermon could challenge and enlarge spiritual perspective, sensitivity to God’s grace, and relationships in the world.

Nephi and Mormon, the two writers responsible for the largest amount of text in the Book of Mormon, both similarly used reference material and quotations in their work. Despite that basic similarity, the way each writer used those references and quotations is quite different.

This essay evaluates Grant Hardy’s Understanding the Book of Mormon, particularly assessing Hardy’s claim that narrative theory can allow readers from a variety of perspectives to (at least temporarily) sidestep the Book of Mormon’s controversial history and engage with the text as a literary artifact. The paper argues that Hardy’s approach facilitates a deeper understanding of the book’s complex deployments of narrative voice and temporality but ultimately cannot efface the interpretive differences that stem from such divergent positions as belief and unbelief.

In Understanding the Book of Mormon, Grant Hardy applies his unusual background in the history of historiography to the Book of Mormon, using the same techniques of literary analysis that are fruitfully employed in the study of classical Chinese, classical Greek, and other historical writing. He is able to identify very distinct historiographical approaches for Nephi, Mormon, and Moroni. While he brackets the question of whether or not they were actually distinct historical persons, the most intuitively obvious reading of his work strongly suggests that they were—a proposition that has profound implications for the controversy surrounding the origin and authorship of the Book of Mormon

Grant Hardy’s 2010 book Understanding the Book of Mormon changed the landscape of Book of Mormon studies by paying careful attention to the role of that scripture’s three primary editors, who were also narrators. Hardy teases out the specific personality of each one: Nephi, a theologian concerned with his legacy and place in history; Mormon, a historian whose choice and placement of primary sources often reveals as much as his own narration; and Moroni, the wandering survivor of one dying civilization who chose to focus his brief record on the fall of a previous one. Through detailed textual criticism, Hardy invites readers to better understand the complexity and richness of the Book of Mormon

The vibrant fields of narratology and biblical narrative criticism provide common ground from which scholars who either accept or reject the historical reality of the Book of Mormon may speak to one another. To encourage research that may speak across divisions, this article provides a theoretical overview of some of the major areas within the narrative-critical approach (i.e., the intricacies and subtleties of setting, plot, narrative time, characters, point of view, narrators, and implied readers). The applied analysis of select Book of Mormon passages that accompany these overviews illustrates how borrowing from more established fields may expose new considerations, explain different aspects of the text, make familiar narratives fresh, and stimulate greater appreciation for its literary design.

Grant Hardy responds to the six essays written about Understanding the Book of Mormon. He pairs up the authors and imagines conversations between them, as in a book club exchange. He acknowledges their comments and expresses interest in ongoing dialogues fostered by the ideas in his book.