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The Heartland Versus Mesoamerica
Part 2: The Heartland “Pins” in the Map

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As part of the Gospel Topics essay in Book of Mormon geography, it is declared:

The Book of Mormon includes a history of an ancient people who migrated from the Near East to the Americas. This history contains information about the places they lived, including descriptions of landforms, natural features, and the distances and cardinal directions between important points. The internal consistency of these descriptions is one of the striking features of the Book of Mormon.[1]

Although there is no official Church position on the Book of Mormon,[2] there is an understanding that because we believe the Book of Mormon to represent an ancient people, the descriptions of “landforms, natural features, and the distances” might be subject to investigation.

There is more than one suggestion for the way the Heartland model maps the Book of Mormon to the real world. This analysis will use the geography Jonathan Neville has proposed.[3] There are two geographical correlations that Jonathan Neville suggests are pins in the map that will assist in the discovery of all other locations. The first is the New York hill that has come to be called Cumorah. Jonathan Neville understands that:

No two people can independently develop an identical map merely from reading the text. Matching such maps to real-world locations is just as problematic. What we need is a solid starting point—a reliable pin in the map. That’s why we need modern revelation.[4]

Neville is suggesting that there is revelation that provides the starting point for interpreting Book of Mormon geography. Were that true, it would indeed be a firm foundation.[5]

One confirming revelation is Doctrine and Covenants 128:20. “And again, what do we hear? Glad tidings from Cumorah! Moroni, an angel from heaven, declaring the fulfilment of the prophets—the book to be revealed.” The revelation declares that we have “glad tidings” [the Book of Mormon] from Cumorah [thus linking the Book of Mormon name with the location where the plates were found]. This gives Neville a revealed location and therefore a pin in the map. As I discussed in the post initiating this series, this is the same beginning point that Ed Goble used to create what has become the Heartland model.[6]

How firm is this pin? From tradition, it is solid. It has long been accepted and taught that the New York hill is the very Hill Cumorah mentioned in the Book of Mormon. When we examine that actual text of the Book of Mormon, however, the pin is less than firm.

The latter part of Mormon 6:6 reads:

I made this record out of the plates of Nephi, and hid up in the hill Cumorah all the records which had been entrusted to me by the hand of the Lord, save it were these few plates which I gave unto my son Moroni.

The plates given to Moroni were the ones recovered in New York. Nevertheless, according to the only statement we have about records in the hill Cumorah, the plates Joseph received were not among those buried in the hill Cumorah. Although Joseph Smith retrieved plates from a hill, according to Mormon, those specific plates were never in the Book of Mormon Hill Cumorah – they were given to Moroni, in contrast to those that were “hid up.” From the text alone, we cannot say that the New York hill was the Book of Mormon Hill Cumorah.

The Church-sanctioned publication of Saints does not use the name Cumorah for the New York hill. The omission of Cumorah has resulted in some controversy, which Jed Woodworth and Matth Grow specifically address:

The word “Cumorah” does not appear in Saints. This omission has led some to believe that we left out that word in order to speak against a “heartland” model. We assure you that this is simply not the case. We have worked on Saints for many years, Matt as a general editor of Saints and Jed as a review editor of Volume 1. In those capacities, we have read all the draft chapters and editorial comments accompanying these drafts. No one under our observation—writers, editors, external reviewers, General Authority reviewers—has expressed any concern about the word “Cumorah” or articulated any need to expunge it from the record. To our knowledge, there have been no discussions about the need to put down one theory of Book of Mormon geography in order to promote another.[7]

They continue to provide this historical framework they followed:

The preface to Saints explains that the book is a narrative history. Narrative histories are governed by rules, and one of the rules implemented by our writing team is that characters are to live in the “narrative present” and not be burdened by the understanding of later time periods. Our rule states: “The whole story as we understand it will be told, but readers will be following that story scene-by-scene, or even volume-by-volume, as the narrative progresses. If readers desire a broader view of the story or want additional information, extensive footnotes are included, and other in-depth material is available online, including links to essays, videos, and other sources.”

Thus, as Saints tells it, Joseph Smith walks into the “woods,” not the Sacred Grove, in 1820. There he has a “vision” of God and Christ, not the First Vision. In the same way, Joseph walks to a “hill” not far from his father’s home, not to the Hill Cumorah. The reason for omitting “Cumorah” is not that the writers wanted to expunge it in order to promote a geographical theory. The reason is that there is no historical evidence that Moroni called the hill “Cumorah” in 1823.

Of course, early Latter-day Saints, including Joseph Smith, later called the hill Cumorah, but the best research on the subject puts the term into common circulation no earlier than the mid-1830s. The main historical source concerning events at the hill between 1823 and 1827 comes from the history Joseph Smith began in 1838. There Joseph uses the term “hill,” never “Hill Cumorah.” Saints follows Joseph’s lead.[8]

What does this mean for Neville’s pin? It confirms that the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints does not agree that there is revelation that declares the New York hill to be the Book of Mormon Cumorah. Combined with Mormon’s statement that the plates were not buried in Cumorah, the idea that the New York hill can be considered a pin in the map is a very weak hypothesis resting solely upon tradition. It is not revelation. It is not in line with the text of the Book of Mormon. It is not in line with the official position of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.

Neville proposes that there is a second pin in the map. That proposal also comes from Doctrine and Covenants 125:3, “Let them build up a city unto my name upon the land opposite the city of Nauvoo, and let the name of Zarahemla be named upon it.”

Neville says of this verse: “This verse is not conclusive about geography, but it doesn’t need to be. The Lord named the site Zarahemla. I want to see if it fits, so I stick a pin in Eastern Iowa, along the Mississippi River across from Nauvoo.”[9] There is much less tradition, and certainly no revelation behind the idea that the land opposite Nauvoo was the Book of Mormon Zarahemla. The revelation says that “let the name of Zarahemla be named upon it.” That is a modern statement applying the name. There is no indication that it was connected to the ancient Zarahemla any more than Madrid, New Mexico is the same place as Madrid, Spain.

It isn’t much of a pin if there really is no support for it. Even Neville understands that calling the place Zarahemla in 1841 doesn’t mean that it was ever called Zarahemla in any previous time. This is not a pin, but a hypothesis. As noted in the introductory blog, the Heartland model begins with a geography it wants to find and therefore fits the evidence to the desired model. G. J. Renier underlined the problem with this approach when he quoted the French historian Fustel de Coulanges as saying “if we approach a text with a preconceived idea we shall read in it only what we want to read.”[10] The Heartland has a preconceived idea and, as will be discussed, imaginatively reads the Book of Mormon in order to support that preconceived idea. It is a preconceived idea that is contradicted by the official Church statement on geography and the evidence from the trained historians working on Saints, volume one. The entire model starts on a less than firm foundation.



[2] “Book of Mormon Geography.”

[3] I am using Jonathan Neville, Moroni’s America. The North American Setting for the Book of Mormon, (Digital Legend, 2016). I am aware that there is a second edition, but I do not have that one.

[4] Neville, 11. The quotation combines the original three paragraphs combined. Nothing has been removed.
[5] Sorry, but pun intended. I couldn’t resist as the main support for the Heartland model comes from the Firm Foundation.

[6] This point is referenced in Edwin G. Goble and Wayne N. May, This Land: Zarahemla and the Nephite Nation (Colfax, Wisconsin, Ancient American Archaeology Foundation, 2002), 10, and in W. Vincent Coon, “Who Originated the Heartland Model?” https://www.bookofmormonpromisedland.com/Heartland%20Model.htm.
[7] Jed Woodworth and Matt Grow, “Saints and Book of Mormon Geography,” https://history.churchofjesuschrist.org/content/saints-and-book-of-mormon-geography?lang=eng.
[8] “Saints and Book of Mormon Geography.”

[9] Neville, 12. The idea that Zarahemla could be the very Zarahemla of the Book of Mormon is credited to Duane Erickson. See Goble and May, 11.

[10] G. J. Renier, History: Its Purpose and Method (New York: Harper & Row, 1965), 219.

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