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The Heartland Versus Mesoamerica
Part 10: Militarism and the Models

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War is a major theme in the second half of the book of Alma, but by the time readers encounter those detailed accounts of military actions, we are not surprised. Warfare is endemic in the Book of Mormon. Even early in the formation of the Nephite nation, warfare is at least a threatening backdrop. Nephi declared:

And it came to pass that we began to prosper exceedingly, and to multiply in the land. And I, Nephi, did take the sword of Laban, and after the manner of it did make many swords, lest by any means the people who were now called Lamanites should come upon us and destroy us; for I knew their hatred towards me and my children and those who were called my people. (2 Nephi 5:13–14)

By Jarom’s time, there was enough of a threat of warfare that Jarom says that they fortified their cities:

And it came to pass that they came many times against us, the Nephites, to battle. But our kings and our leaders were mighty men in the faith of the Lord; and they taught the people the ways of the Lord; wherefore, we withstood the Lamanites and swept them away out of our lands, and began to fortify our cities, or whatsoever place of our inheritance. (Jarom 1:7)

There were times of respite, but most of the history Mormon wrote of his people covers conflict much more frequently that peace and prosperity. Mormon ironically chronicles times of “continual peace.” The longest continual peace was twenty-two years (Mosiah 10:5), with one as short as a single year (Alma 3:32). There was peace, but not that often (or, really, that continual).

Mesoamerican Militarism

The recognition of the centrality of warfare in Mesoamerican cultures is relatively recent.[1] Payson D. Sheets describes the current state of the understanding about warfare in Mesoamerica: “Warfare was woven deeply into the social fabric of most Formative and all Classic and Postclassic Mesoamerican civilizations.”[2] One of the important underlying factors that is often unrecognized is that foundational to the ability to wage large-scale warfare is the ability to feed an army, of course retaining sufficient food for those left behind.[3]

Intervillage conquests are attested for the Olmec (Jaredite times),[4] although Olmec militarism appears to have been more protective than expansionistic.[5] Ross Hassig notes:

The Olmec aftermath was a period of increasing military professionalism among local elites, and specialized arms now dominated warfare. The weapons pioneered by the Olmecs continued into this period, though with some changes in emphasis. Thrusting spears became the primary combat weapons as they spread throughout Mesoamerica. Clubs persisted, but declined in importance in major armies although they remained significant in less sophisticated groups.[6]

Numerous Mesoamerican sites were fortified, demonstrating freestanding walls with accompanying moats.[7] Moats appear at Becán and perhaps Cuello. A wall was built around El Mirador and a fortified ditch separated Tikal and Uaxactún.[8]

Recently, Interpreter has published a chapter of a book on Anachronisms, specifically examining warfare in the Book of Mormon. The findings are very relevant to this topic of militarism and quite supportive of finding the appropriate technologies in Mesoamerica.[9]

It is also quite possible that the demise of the Nephites may have been related to the Teotihuacano conquest into Maya lands. The conquest of Tikal occurred in A. D. 378 according to the date on a stela.[10] There should be no question that the warfare described in the Book of Mormon finds a comfortable home in the known history and archaeology of Mesoamerica.

Hopewell Culture: Absence of Militarism

John C. Lefgren has written a paper that proposes to support the case for large armies in at least the late Book of Mormon.[11] He begins by noting that the larger ancient world has multiple examples of large armies:

During the 1,420 years represented in the figure for pre-industrial armies there were 6 empires and dynasties which had armies of about 500,000 men. These were (1) the Persian Empire of 500 BC, (2) the Mauryan Empire of 300 BC, (3) the Han Dynasty of AD 1, (4) the Nephite-Lamanite Nations of AD 385, (5) the Gupta Dynasty of AD 350, and (6) the Roman Empire of AD 425.[12]

This is quite true. Ironically, Lefgren never actually provides any evidence that such armies existed in the Heartland geography he supports. He does begin with some important caveats, however:

This paper supports the Heartland Geography for the lands of the Book of Mormon. The primary arguments are based on the knowledge (1) that large armies need large populations, (2) that large populations need large amounts of food, and (3) that large amounts of food need large amounts of land and water.[13]

He is absolutely correct. Unfortunately, it is the very problem of not having large amounts of food that prohibited the Woodland cultures from having very large populations. As noted in the post on population density, Brad Lepper described the Hopewellian relationship to agriculture: “Hopewell societies were becoming increasingly dependent on farming, but, in many ways, they still were grounded in the hunting and gathering way of life.”[14] Thus, Lefgren is correct about the need, but misses the point that the Hopewell simply didn’t have the caloric base sufficient to support large militaries.

It is for this reason that “There is, however, no evidence for warfare during this period. There are no known human remains from Hopewell sites that bear wounds of war and there are no artistic depictions of warriors.”[15] In general, the region has been deemed relatively free of extensive warfare:

The archaeological record of Hopewell populations is sometimes interpreted as that of a peaceful folk that avoided the unpleasantness of war. Howard Winters coined the term Pax Hopewelliana to connote this relationship, and like many catch phrases it continues to be used in the literature. Winters focused on the scanty evidence for violent death in the Hopewell mounds of the Midwest, and used the phrase to connote a generally friendly nature to Hopewell interactions, with the implicit analogy to the imposed peace of the Roman Empire, the Pax Romana. . . . Milner’s (1995, 1999) recent reviews of the evidence for violent death in eastern North America seems to confirm Winters’ earlier findings—there is little by way of direct evidence for Hopewell (and the Early Woodland period as well) violent death.[16]

There is a hint of conflict as there is some evidence of body parts taken as trophies. Nevertheless:

It should be noted that whereas a later and much better understood Mississippian iconography reveals a strong representation of conflict between humans (or humanized deities) replete with weapons and severed heads in the hands of successful warriors, Hopewell iconography is dominated by other themes pertaining to shamanism, renewal, and animal spirits. Very few of the people buried in Hopewell mounds seem to have met a violent death.[17]

One argument in favor of military activity among the Hopewell is the presence of mound artifacts that have been called forts. These appeared, at least to the non-native colonists in the late 1800s, to be fortified positions.[18] Brad Lepper provides the current archaeological view of these structures:

Although the hilltop enclosures often are called “forts,” such as Fort Ancient and Fort Hill, it is extremely unlikely that this was their intended function—or at least their sole purpose. The Fort Ancient site, for example, is simply too big and there are too many openings in the walls for it to have served as an effective defensive structure.[19]

For example, the Great Circle Earthworks has a wall, but the borrow pit is on the inside and was likely filled with water.[20] If this were a defensive location, the moat should have been built on the outside of the wall.

The Hopewell were more dependent upon agriculture than the Adena, but neither were able to grow crops that could provide sufficient calories for subsistence. That fact required that while the Hopewell may have been more closely tied to the land than were the Adena, they still required space for hunting and gathering activities. Those conditions have always limited population sizes throughout the world. The small and sparse Hopewellian villages are appropriate for the way in which they produced their food.[21] Lacking a strong agricultural base that might sustain a large population, the Hopewell also lacked the ability to field, and feed, a large military.

Conclusion

The Mesoamerican model easily fits into the Book of Mormon descriptions of large scale warfare. The Hopewell cultures, on the other hand, were sparse and unable to sustain large armies. There is no archaeological evidence of any significant warfare among the Adena or the Hopewell. That absence stands in stark contrast to the description of wars in the Jaredite record as well as the Nephite record.



[1] Payson D. Sheets, “Warfare in Ancient Mesoamerica: A Summary View,” in Ancient Mesoamerican Warfare, edited by M. Kathryn Brown and Travis W. Stanton (Walnut Creek: AltaMira Press, 2003), 289. Sheets discusses J. Eric S. Thompson’s acknowledgment of warfare, but Thompson deemphasized it and believed it to be late and only related to obtaining captives for sacrifice.

[2] Sheets, 290.

[3] Ross Hassig, War and Society in Ancient Mesoamerica (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 21.

[4] Hassig, 25, 28.

[5] Hassig, 29.

[6] Hassig, 30.

[7] Hassig, 32.

[8] Lynn V. Foster, Handbook to the Life in the Ancient Maya World (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 42.

[9] Matthew Roper, Anachronisms: Accidental Evidence in Book of Mormon Criticisms. Chapter 2, Warfare in the Book of Mormon, Interpreter, A Journal of Latter-day Saint Faith and Scholarship 65 (2025): 51-92. https://journal.interpreterfoundation.org/anachronisms-accidental-evidence-in-book-of-mormon-criticisms-chapter-2-warfare-in-the-book-of-mormon/.

[10] Brant A. Gardner, Traditions of the Fathers: The Book of Mormon as History (Greg Kofford Books, 2015), 367-73.

[11] John C. Lefgren, “Lands, Peoples, and Armies in Ancient America During the Fourth Century,” https://bookofmormonevidence.org/hopewell-ancient-armies/.

[12] Lefgren.

[13] Lefgren.

[14] Bradley T. Lepper, Ohio Archaeology: An Illustrated Chronicle of Ohio’s Ancient American Indian Cultures (Wilmington, Ohio: Orange Frazer Press, 2005), 129.

[15] Brad Lepper, “Hope Earthworks Tell Only this Amazing Ancient American Indian Story,” Ohio History Connection, https://www.ohiohistory.org/hopewell-earthworks-tell-only-part-of-this-amazing-ancient-american-indian-story/. Emphasis added.

[16] Mark F. Seeman, “Predator War and Hopewell Trophies,” in The Taking and Displaying of Human Body Parts as Trophies by Amerindians, edited by Richard J. Chacon and David H. Dye (New York: Springer, 2008), 169.

[17] Seeman, 171.

[18] “Hilltop Ceremonies,” Hopewell Culture, National Historical Park, Ohio. https://www.nps.gov/hocu/learn/historyculture/spruce-hill-earthworks.htm.

[19] Lepper 2005, 159.

[20] “Great Circle Earthworks, Newark Ohio,” Hopewell Ceremonial Earthworks. https://hopewellearthworks.org/site/great-circle-earthworks/.

[21] Lepper, Ohio in Archaeology, 81.

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